World Civilisation And Universal Culture

The West and the rest

Those who hope to understand why the world is the way it is must learn about civilisations and cultures, especially Western civilisation and culture. Over the last 500 years, living conditions have changed dramatically due to modernisation. If you lived 2,000 years ago, you could go forward 500 years or more and live a life more or less the same as before. If you lived 500 years ago, you couldn’t, because you would have entered a completely different world. Modernisation involves the division of labour, industrialisation, urbanisation, social mobilisation, and increased education and wealth. Social mobilisation occurs when groups in society organise themselves politically to advance their interests. Expanding scientific and engineering knowledge allows us to shape our environment like never before. Modernisation was the most dramatic change in the history of humankind.

The West’s imperialism unified the world, but it also destroyed the ways of indigenous peoples. The Chinese speak of one hundred years of national humiliation when referring to the era between 1840 and 1950, when Western powers broke the Chinese Empire and plunged it into civil war. It all began with British drug dealers lobbying with their government to start a war in the name of free trade after the Chinese government tried to get rid of them. Among Muslims, similar sentiments exist because of Western military interventions in Islamic countries. There is oil in Iraq, and the United States invaded the country under a false pretext. Coincidence? It may not be much of a solace to them, but Westerners killed more of their kind than of any other race during their internal wars. One might ask what the world would have been like if the Chinese or the Muslims had been the first to modernise. As Karl Marx guessed, capitalism, hence a bourgeois society, was essential to modernisation, so it wouldn’t have made much of a difference.

We live in a bourgeois world rather than a religious one. Moral values don’t drive it, but trade and finance or the ethics of the merchant, which means no ethics at all. How that happened may seem like a complex historical process, but if you look under the hood, the engine was competition. The bourgeois culture of trade and finance has now spread over the globe. No corner of the Earth remained unaffected. Some societies adapted more successfully than others. History is a bitch. For centuries, white males have invented nearly everything. Some white males who haven’t invented anything think they deserve special privileges for that. But cultures appropriate from other cultures and move on. The West inherited from the Greek and Roman cultures that preceded it, and other cultures have inherited from the West. Today, Europe, where it all started, is becoming a backwater.

Blaming the West for history doesn’t help, nor does denying that the West shaped the world as it is today. It is crucial to see that competition drove this process, and that trade drives the competition, so the apocalyptic disaster we are about to face is primarily an issue of bourgeois culture, not Christian culture, a truth that the bourgeoisie has been successful in making us ignore with their Gospel of Eternal Growth and by bribing us with more stuff. Modernisation might not have happened in any other way, for you must keep a carrot before the donkey to make it run. If you take a cynical stance, you may summarise the bourgeois culture as having three pillars:

  • personal freedom, thus doing as you please,
  • capitalism, thus taking what you can,
  • imperialism, thus imposing your will upon others.

Capitalism may seem plunder, but it often is not. That is the bourgeoisie’s argument. Both parties can gain from a trade. Equally often, it is plunder, and that is what they hide from us with their fairy tales of mutual benefit. Both parties might benefit at the expense of others, future generations, or other life on the planet. The essence of trade, according to the official propaganda line of the capitalist politbureau, is that two parties engage in it out of free will, and both benefit or believe they do, which also makes them happy, so that it doesn’t matter that they get screwed.

We are consumption addicts. Drug dealers and opioid addicts also think they benefit. A tool salesman and a logger both profit from trading a chainsaw to cut down the rainforest. Still, had the world not modernised, we would still live in shacks and have barely enough food. Thanks to this morally depraved system, we have the means to live in Paradise, so something good came out of the evil, at least if we now succeed in overcoming the evil. That bourgeois culture didn’t magically pop out of thin air. It is part of the Western cultural heritage, which thus merits further investigation.

Western culture

Hence, we might need a world civilisation and perhaps even a universal culture, as there is a limit to the diversity we can handle. You can’t allow harmful activities to continue, so all cultures need scrutiny. The West was the first civilisation to modernise. But why? Samuel Huntington mentions the characteristics of Western civilisation he believed crucial for modernisation.1 Modernisation affects everyone, so, researching how a future global civilisation and culture will look, might include investigating which elements of Western culture are universal rather than typically Western. And to explain how we got here, we could focus on the features of Western civilisation and how they emerged and developed. According to Huntington, the defining characteristics of Western civilisation are:

  • The Classical legacy. The West inherited from previous civilisations, most notably Classical civilisation. This legacy includes Greek philosophy and rationalism, Roman law, and Christianity. The Islamic and Orthodox cultures also inherited from Classical civilisation, but not as much as the West.
  • Western Christendom, Catholicism and Protestantism. Western Christian peoples believe they differ from Muslims, Orthodox Christians and others. The rift between Catholicism and Protestantism did not change that.
  • Separation of the spiritual and the temporal. Jesus taught that his kingdom was not of this world and that his followers should respect worldly authorities, even pagan ones like the Roman Empire. And so church and state could become separate authorities.
  • The rule of law. It was often a distant ideal, but the idea persisted that power should be constrained. The rule of law is the basis of constitutionalism and the protection of human rights.
  • Individualism. Individualism gradually developed during the Middle Ages. Eventually, people began to promote equal rights for everyone.
  • Social pluralism. The West had diverse autonomous groups not based on kinship or marriage, like monasteries and guilds, and later other associations and societies. Most Western societies had a powerful aristocracy, a substantial peasantry, and an influential class of merchants. The strength of the feudal aristocracy helped to check absolutism.
  • Representative bodies. Social pluralism gave rise to Estates and Parliaments to represent the interests of the aristocracy, clergy, merchants and other groups. Local self-government forced nobles to share their power with burghers, and in the end, yield it. Representation at the national level supplemented autonomy at the local level.

The above list is not complete, nor were all those characteristics always present in every Western society. Some of these characteristics were also present in non-Western societies. It is the combination of features that makes Western civilisation unique. Huntington claimed that Western culture is not universal and added that such a belief is a form of arrogance promoted by centuries of Western dominance.1

That view is not beyond dispute. For instance, liberal democracy has at least some appeal to people from other civilisations. The experiences from Taiwan and Hong Kong indicate that the Chinese may prefer liberal democracy too if they are free to choose. On the other hand, recent developments in the United States and Europe suggest that the legitimacy of democracy can still be contested. Most people would prefer food and security to political influence. So, if a dictator promises to address a real or perceived threat, he might even become popular. In any case, the West has seen an unprecedented amount of social experiments, and in the process, the West may have uncovered elements of universal culture.

The list above does not tell us why the West came to dominate the world for so long. Western culture is a product of a historical accident, but not entirely so, and therein lies the issue. The accident may be about how these characteristics emerged. Their interaction may be a different story. Presumably, there is competition between societies, and the most successful tend to win out. This process involves trying ideas and discarding less successful ones. Conquest usually comes with imposing ideas on others. And you cannot go back in time, so once successful ideas have spread, there is no going back. It is, therefore, not always clear what is typically Western about Western culture.

There are reasons to believe that the future will be entirely different from the past. Humanity is using far more resources than the planet can provide. Something has to give. If humans succeed in dealing with this issue in a civilised manner, then the world may change to the point that the present cultures have lost most of their meaning. The future is unknown, but the past is not. To explain where we are now and why Western civilisation has led the modernisation process, we can investigate the characteristics of Western culture and how they interact.

Greek philosophy

Traditional cultures centre around an idea of wisdom reflected in belief. Wisdom was a greater good than knowledge. If you studied the teachings of the great ancient prophets and philosophers, whether it was Buddha, Confucius, or Christ, you know all you need to know.2 Traditional cultures do not pursue new knowledge for the sake of it, for instance, by studying gravity to come up with a theory of gravity. Greek philosophy was different. Greek philosophers engaged in a rational and fundamental inquiry into the nature of reality and our knowledge and beliefs. It was a quest for knowledge rather than wisdom.

Western Christendom

From Christianity, the West inherited a claim on universalism. Christianity, like Islam, claims to represent the only universal truth that everyone should accept. Christianity, like Islam, also maintains that all people are equal. Everyone can either embrace or reject the only true religion, so there are only believers and non-believers. Non-believers may be inferior to believers, but that is due to their own choice. The West thus inherited the principle of equality from Christianity. In the first few centuries, Christianity spread through individual conversions. Christianity promotes a message of personal salvation, and in this way, it planted the seeds of individualism in the West.

Confucianism, Hinduism, and Buddhism do not claim to be the universal truth, while Judaism lacks missionary zeal. Equality was not the main concern for these religions either. Ideologies invented in the West like Liberalism and Socialism and prescriptions to organise societies promoted by the West like human rights, democracy, and free trade also came with passionate claims on universal truth. Even some atheists demonstrate a desire to convert others. This missionary zeal is not prevalent in other civilisations, except Islam. For instance, China and India do not demand other nations to take over their religions or economic and social models.

Christianity features a division between the profane and the spiritual. Jesus allegedly has said that his kingdom is not of this world (John 18:36). Hence a Christian does not need to challenge worldly authorities. And you should give back to Caesar what is Caesar’s, and to God what is God’s (Mark12:17). A Christian could pay Roman taxes. That made it possible to separate church and state so that, in modern Western societies, religions can be equal before the law. And, Christianity came with a powerful message of mercifulness and equality that appealed to the masses.

And it allowed Christianity to spread within the Roman Empire without causing wars and uprisings. As a result, Roman authorities did not consistently view the new religion as the most urgent threat to the empire as there were barbarian invasions and rebellions to deal with. Periods of persecution thus alternated with periods of relative peace for the Christians. Christians believed the Creator to be a higher authority than the emperor, and they renounced the Roman gods, but they did not challenge Roman rule. The Jews did resist, and so Roman armies practically wiped them out.

Not challenging worldly authorities allowed the Catholic Church to establish a vast network of priests, monasteries, and convents and a hierarchy to manage them. As a result of the Investiture Conflict, the Catholic Church gained control over the appointment of bishops and thus became an independent institution with political influence all over Europe. That contrasts with other civilisations. In Orthodox Christianity, the emperor oversaw the church. In Islam and Hinduism, priests and religious scholars could have considerable influence on political affairs. Only, these civilisations had no centralised independent religious institution like the Catholic Church. In China, established religion did not play a prominent role in politics.3

Rule of law and representative bodies

Law consists of the rules of justice in a community. In pre-modern societies, the law was often believed to be fixed by a higher authority, for instance, custom, a divine authority or nature. It made law independent from rulers, at least in theory, and to some extent also in practice. Religious law is administered by priests explaining holy texts. That applies to Judaism, Islam and Hinduism. In China, the state provided the law.3 There never was a Christian law like there is Islamic law, so Christians accepted worldly authorities and their laws.

The Catholic Church embarked on a project of introducing Roman Law throughout Europe. Consequently, Roman Law is nowadays the basis of the laws of most European nations and many nations outside Europe. Roman Law is a civil law meant to regulate affairs between citizens in a society and is not religious. The involvement of the Catholic Church in this project reflects the Christian separation between spiritual and worldly affairs. In England, another tradition of civil law called Common Law emerged.

The rule of law requires the law to be a countervailing power to worldly rulers. Feudal Europe did not have centralised states, so the Catholic Church could use its political power to introduce Roman Law. In England, a power struggle between king and nobility led the king to promote Common Law in the Royal Court to undermine his opponents who administrated the local courts.3 The king prevailed but remained checked by the rule of law and a strong aristocracy who forced him to sign a document, the Magna Carta, that guaranteed the rights of the nobility. The Magna Carta is a precursor to modern constitutions.

The rule of law often was a distant ideal rather than a reality. The outcome depended on the balance of power between the political actors in each society. These were the king, the aristocracy, and the clergy. Traditionally, the aristocrats and clergy were powerful. They had a representation in the Parliaments called Estates that decided over taxes. After the Middle Ages, centralised states began to emerge with kings trying to acquire absolute power and aspiring to decide on their own over taxes.

A power struggle between the kings and the aristocracy ensued. In Poland and Hungary, the aristocrats prevailed. These states soon collapsed because the aristocrats did not want to pay taxes for the defence of the country. In France and Spain, the king more or less prevailed by bribing the aristocracy with tax exemptions and putting the burden of taxes on peasants and the bourgeoisie, who had no representation in the Estates. This move undermined the tax base of the state. In England, a civil war broke out that ended with the arrangement that the aristocracy and the bourgeoisie represented in Parliament decided over the taxes they paid.3

It made taxation legitimate as it required the consent of those who paid taxes. The aristocracy and bourgeoisie in England had a stake in the success of the state. They profited from the colonies, for instance, via the slave and opium trade, so they were willing to pay taxes if they believed that it was necessary. In this way, England could win out in the colonial wars with France in the century that followed despite having fewer resources. England’s finances were in good shape, so England could borrow more money at lower interest rates to finance these wars than France could.

Individualism and social pluralism

In traditional societies, male family lines were the basis of the organisation of families. Families rather than individuals owned property. Family elders made important decisions. In Western Europe, individuals could make important decisions about marriage and property themselves. They already had substantial freedoms in the Middle Ages. This development started soon after Germanic tribes had overrun the Roman Empire and converted to Christianity.3 Christianity comes with an individualistic message of personal salvation.

The Catholic Church took a strong stance against practices that held family structures together, such as marriages between close kin, marriages to widows of dead relatives, the adoption of children and divorce. It allowed the church to benefit from property-owning Christians who died without an heir. For that reason, women could own property too. These individual property rights undermined family structures.3 Individual property rights later became crucial for the development of modern capitalism.

As a result, the Catholic Church could finance its large organisation, provide relief to the poor, and become a significant power. Western Europeans in the Middle Ages did not trace their descent only through the family line of their father, which would be necessary to maintain strict boundaries between families. In this way, it became harder to carry out blood feuds as the circle of vengeance was smaller, and many people felt related to both sides.3

It allowed feudalism to replace kinship as a basis for social solidarity so that social organisation could become a matter of choice rather than custom. In theory, feudalism was a voluntary submission of one individual to another based on the exchange of protection for service. In practice, this was often not the case, but with the spread of the rule of law, feudal relationships turned into legal contracts in which both the lord and serf had rights and obligations.3

In the Middle Ages, there were no strong states in Western Europe. The aristocracy was powerful and responsible for the defence of their realms. As the economy began to flourish, an influential class of merchants emerged in the cities. Many cities gained independence and became responsible for their governance and defence. Serfs flocked to cities in search of opportunities and freedom, thereby further undermining the power of feudal lords. In Northern Italy, feudalism had already ended by 1200 AD and cities run by wealthy merchants came to dominate the area.

Kinship as an organising method had largely vanished. Europeans could organise themselves for a wide array of purposes. In the Middle Ages, there were monasteries, convents, and guilds. There were also military orders, such as the Knights Templars. Later on, societies and corporations emerged. This European pluralism contrasted with the absence of civil society, the weakness of the aristocracy, and the strength of centralised bureaucracies in Russia, China, and the Ottoman Empire.1

The Renaissance

The Renaissance began in the merchant towns of Northern Italy. The elites of Northern Italy became less religious. This process is called secularisation. Wealthy merchants had money to spend on frivolous pursuits like art and literary works. Optimism replaced pessimism. Medieval virtues like poverty, contemplation and chastity came to be replaced by new virtues like participating in social life and enjoying life. The Italian cities needed the active participation of wealthy individuals to finance public efforts like defence.

The pursuit of wealth became seen as a virtue, which signalled the emergence of modern capitalism. People in traditional societies and Medieval Europe frowned upon trade and the pursuit of wealth. They believed that wealthy people must share their riches with their community. Trade often comes with questionable ethics and was seen as a necessary evil.

Building on the existing European tradition of individualism, entrepreneurial individuals came to be cherished. The Italian Renaissance tradition includes individuals like Michelangelo, who was known for his unparalleled artistic versatility, and Giovanni Giustiniani, a mercenary who organised the defence of Constantinople against the Turks and Christopher Columbus, who discovered America.

The separation between the worldly and spiritual realms reduced the obstacles to secularisation. The Renaissance started in the cradle of the Roman Empire. Italian merchants sailed the Mediterranean. The legacy of the ancient Greeks and Romans was everywhere around them. It prompted a renewed interest in classical antiquity, including ancient Greek and Latin texts. The works of the Greek philosophers and their rational enquiries into the nature of reality were rediscovered and began to affect European thought. These texts were secular and promoted virtues different from Christian virtues.

Printing and gunpowder were Chinese inventions that came to Europe. Around 1450, the first movable type printing system was introduced in Europe, making it possible to print books in large numbers. From then on, new ideas could spread faster. Constantinople, the last Christian stronghold in the Eastern Mediterranean, fell into the hands of the Ottoman Turks, blocking traditional trade routes with the Indies. The Portuguese then began to look for new trade routes by sailing around Africa, starting the European exploration of the world.

Double shock

Around 1500, two developments rocked Europe. The first was the discovery of a previously unknown continent, America. It uprooted the belief in traditional knowledge as Europeans discovered their ignorance. It spurred a fundamental questioning of existing ideas and a drive for knowledge2 that would lead to modern science that uses observations to produce general theories. The works of the Greek philosophers turned out to be helpful in this respect.

The second was Protestantism challenging the moral authority of the Catholic Church. The Catholic Church had become corrupted by the buying and selling of church offices. Martin Luther taught that salvation is a gift of God that you might receive through faith in Jesus Christ. In line with European individualism, he made faith a matter of personal choice rather than tradition. Luther taught that the Bible is the only source of divine knowledge, thereby challenging the authority of the Catholic Church. He translated the Bible into German, making it accessible to laypeople.

The Portuguese had found new trade routes to the Indies, and Columbus had discovered a continent that promised unparalleled riches. Small bands of Spaniards with firearms overran existing empires and plundered them. After plunder came exploitation. Colonisation was a profitable enterprise that could sustain itself. It generated sufficient revenues to expand the colonies further. Enterprise and investment capital rather than state armies and taxes drove European colonisation. The resulting larger markets favoured economies of scale. After the invention of the steam engine, these economies of scale propelled the Industrial Revolution.

A revolutionary mix

In 800 AD Western Europe was backward compared to the more powerful Islamic, Orthodox Byzantine, and Chinese civilisations. By 1800 AD, China was still a match for England and France, and the Ottoman Empire was a significant power. But the Industrial Revolution was taking off, tilting the balance of power decisively towards the West in the following decades. Europeans had acquired a mindset that made them more curious, enterprising, and flexible. When the gap between industrial and non-industrial nations became clear, Italy, Austria, and Russia started industrialising too. China, Persia, and the Ottoman Empire did not. It may now be possible to identify the elements of Western culture that were crucial to modernisation and shape the ways how Westerners behave:

  • a religion with a message of equality, missionary zeal and an uncompromising claim on the truth;
  • individualism promoting flexible organisation for different purposes;
  • a separation between spiritual and worldly affairs allowing for secular law and secular pursuits;
  • a quest for knowledge and truth, for instance, reflected in science and the scientific method;
  • an absence of a strong centralised political power, but instead, an uncertain balance between countries and political actors within countries that promoted competition;
  • a rule of law that limited the powers of political actors and guaranteed individual property rights so that investments were more secure;
  • entrepreneurial spirit and a drive for profit.

The introduction of railroads exemplifies this trend. The first commercial railroad opened in 1830 in England. By 1850 there were already 40,000 kilometres of railroads in Europe. Asia, Africa, and Latin America together had only 4,000 kilometres.2 The first railroad in China was opened only in 1876. It was 24 kilometres long and built by Europeans. The Chinese government destroyed it a year later. In Persia, the first railroad was built in 1888 by a Belgian company. In 1950 the railway network of Persia amounted to only 2,500 kilometres in a country seven times the size of Britain which had 48,000 kilometres of railroads. The technology of railroads was relatively simple, but the Chinese and the Persians did not catch on. They could not do so because they thought and organised very differently.2

Until 1800, Europe did not enjoy an obvious advantage over China, Persia or the Ottoman Empire, but Europe had gradually built a unique potential. It had developed a culture of individualism, curiosity, and enterprise. When the technological inventions of the Industrial Revolution appeared, Europeans were in the best position to use them.2 They were more innovative, motivated by profit, and organised themselves flexibly for new purposes like building and maintaining railroads.

On the back of these advantages, European ideas spread over the world. Ideologies invented in Europe like capitalism and communism inherited the missionary zeal and uncompromising claim on the truth from Christianity. Similar thoughts were formulated elsewhere, for instance, by Chinese philosophers, but not as a coherent ideology. A few Chinese philosophers proposed that theories require the support of empirical evidence, but they did not develop a scientific method. Science was at the basis of European inventions. Science produced results, which promoted European power and fostered European superiority thinking.

The culture of the future

As the first civilisation to modernise, the West has led in the culture of modernity for several centuries. During that time, the West could impose its will on other civilisations and often did so. Western ideas and values have spread over the globe. As other societies are catching up and acquiring similar patterns for education, work, wealth, and class structure, there may be a universal culture in the future.1 It is by no means certain, but it is possible, most notably if some ideas are superior to others or work better, but that is the same.

Hegelian dialectic sees history as a battleground for ideas. Revolutions like the French Revolution illustrate this point. The old order tried to undo its achievements but failed in the end. Indeed, the French Revolution was why Hegel came up with his concept in the first place. It suggests that more powerful ideas replace weaker ones in a survival-of-the-fittest-like competition. Nearly all the ideological struggle has taken place in the West so the surviving ideas from the West could be superior. It might explain why liberal democracy is a success, to varying degrees at least, in countries with different cultures, for instance, Japan, India, Botswana, Turkey, Taiwan, Costa Rica, Pakistan, Thailand, Uruguay, South Africa, Ukraine, Indonesia and Hong Kong.

The future may be different from the past, so existing cultures may not last. Humanity must face issues like the limits of the planet and poverty as one civilisation. And modernisation does not have to mean Westernisation. Japan was the first non-Western country to modernise. Today it is one of the most advanced countries in the world, and also, a liberal democracy. At the same time, Japan has retained its unique culture and identity. So far, non-Western cultures have been modernising without disappearing. In many ways, Chinese, Islamic, Buddhist or Hindu cultures reassert themselves. As the wealth and influence of non-Western societies is increasing, they are becoming more confident about the merits of their cultural heritage and may be less likely to Westernise.1

Furthermore, the West may not be in the best position for the future as the future could put different demands on societies than the past. There still is competition between countries. Other countries, for instance, China, may now be better positioned to deal with future challenges so that other civilisations, including the West, may have to adapt to China, most notably with issues regarding government effectiveness. That does not necessarily imply dictatorship, but other nations may increasingly copy features from Confucian societies. For the West, it may mean that individualism and individual rights will be reversed to some extent. And charging interest on money and debts may promote wealth inequality, financial instability, excessive government interference in the economy, and short-term thinking so other societies may have to adapt to the Islamic civilisation and abolish interest on money and debts.

People from different cultures interact more often, so a global culture may emerge in the longer term. In any case, the West cannot impose its ideas and values upon others in the future. Often people from other civilisations are resentful of the West’s imperialism.1 The Chinese speak of one hundred years of national humiliation when referring to the period between 1850 and 1950 in which Western powers broke the Chinese Empire and plunged it into civil war. Among Muslims, similar sentiments exist. The West’s recent military interventions in Islamic countries stirred up these sentiments.

These feelings may subside over time, and non-Western peoples may develop a neutral stance towards the West and its past. In the process, they may discover that at least some elements of Western culture have universal appeal. Societies from different civilisations have much in common because human nature does not depend on culture. There may be concepts, for instance, democracy, that can work in other civilisations. The West has tried out more ideas than other civilisations, so it more likely has uncovered elements of a possible universal culture in the process than other civilisations.

Barring a collective challenge coinciding with the emergence of a universal religion that inspires people from all backgrounds, global culture is unlikely to emerge anytime soon. A universal religion has not yet arrived, but this universe could be a virtual reality created by an advanced humanoid civilisation for the personal entertainment of someone we can call God. And so, the advent of a new religion is a realistic possibility. This religion could provide a plausible explanation for our existence, promote a shared destiny, and allow for a greater degree of diversity than currently existing religions and ideologies.

Featured image: Map from Clash of Civilisations, Wikimedia Commons, User Kyle Cronan and User Olahus, GFDL.

1. The Clash of Civilisations and the remaking of world order. Samuel. P. Huntington (1996).
2. Sapiens: A Brief History Of Humankind. Yuval Noah Harari (2014). Harvil Secker.
3. The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution. Francis Fukuyama (2011).

A society on pillars

Identity groups building society

Dutch society long centred around identity groups based on religion or ideology. The Dutch call it pillarisation. A pillar is vertical, so it encompasses several social classes. Social life was within your identity group, and you had few contacts with outsiders. These pillars had sports clubs, political parties, unions, newspapers, and broadcasters. Roman Catholics and Protestants also had schools and hospitals.

The pillars of Dutch society were Protestant, Roman Catholic, and Socialist, with each about 30% of the population. The Protestants themselves consisted of smaller groups that had their specific views on the Bible. The remaining 10% of the Dutch were liberal. The liberals were less organised and opposed pillarisation, but they also had political parties, newspapers and broadcasters.

Strong communities are close-knit, have shared norms and values based on ideology or religion, and come with social obligations. The pillar organisations focused exclusively on their communities. Similar arrangements existed in other countries. In the Netherlands, none of these groups dominated society. And the shared Dutch identity and the state made these relationships cooperative. In other words, Dutch society was built on pillars.

The Dutch were famous for their tolerance, which was at times close to indifference. The identity groups accepted each other and minded their own affairs. After 1800, there was no civil war in the Netherlands, nor was there a threat of one at any time. Leadership played a significant role. The leaders of the pillars were willing to compromise, and the members merely followed their leaders, guaranteeing peaceful relationships within society for two centuries.

Still, identity issues dominated Dutch politics from time to time. On 11 November 1925, the cabinet fell when the Catholic ministers resigned after Parliament accepted an amendment introduced by a small Protestant fraction to eliminate the funding for the Dutch envoy with the Vatican. A Protestant government fraction supported the amendment.

None of the identity groups on its own was able to dominate society. Instead, they had to make deals with each other. On religious issues, Roman Catholics and Protestants found each other. For instance, they arranged that schools and hospitals could have a religious identity and that the state would fund them like public schools and hospitals. The Socialists made deals on working conditions and social benefits with Catholics and Protestants.

Pillarisation in the Netherlands began to take shape at the close of the nineteenth century. One could say that Dutch society was built upon the pillars. They allowed groups with different views and cultures to coexist peacefully and gradually integrate. From the 1960s onwards, the pillars began to lose their meaning, and the Dutch became one nation. Pillarisation can be helpful if you believe in a shared destiny, for instance, the nation-state, but have different backgrounds that prevent integration in the short term. In this sense, it works like multiculturalism.

Pillarisation can be helpful if people believe in a shared destiny, for instance, the nation-state, but do not share a common background. In that case, everyone can live and work together with the people they feel comfortable with. Cultural and religious differences may subside over time. But as long as these identities remain distinct, people can organise themselves accordingly via pillars, and in doing so, avoid conflict.

Latest update: 19 May 2023

The assembly of the canton Glarus

Swiss democracy

Quality of government

The ideal of a democracy is that the people determine what their government does. Usually, citizens elect politicians every few years. These politicians then make the decisions. Quite often, these decisions differ from what their citizens wish. The reasons may include lobbying, deal-making, party politics, and political games. Leaders may also earnestly believe that going against the will of their people is for the best. Unburdened by responsibilities, citizens may have unrealistic desires.

Democracy doesn’t guarantee high-quality decisions, so there have always been pundits questioning the merits of democracy. No form of government guarantees high-quality choices. It is helpful to distinguish between the quality of the government and its decisions and the quality of democracy. Improving governance is far more complex than improving democracy, which is relatively straightforward, and the subject of this section, which can remain relatively brief for that reason.

In a well-functioning democracy, the government acts following the will of the citizens. In this respect, one political system stands out: the Swiss system. The great thing about it is that it is a proven concept rather than a figment of a political philosopher. In Swiss democracy, authority operates from the bottom up. It is a design flaw, as the world is interconnected, so our choices have consequences for people in other parts of the world. That is why, in most states, including democracies, authority operates top-down.

Features

The Swiss political system features a unique combination of representative and direct democracy. The government and parliament administer the country’s daily affairs, but if citizens feel the desire to take matters into their own hands, they can demand a referendum. The government must respect its outcome.1 Switzerland has the following referendum types:

  • mandatory referendums on changes in the federal constitution
  • optional referendums on federal laws when a specified number of citizens ask for it
  • Similar rules exist on the state and municipal levels.

Switzerland has 26 cantons, which are akin to member states, and over 2,000 municipalities that enjoy a significant degree of autonomy. The Swiss constitution promotes making decisions at the lowest possible level and delegating power to a higher level only if deemed beneficial.

The Swiss elect their National Council every four years. It has proportional representation. Citizens can vote for a political party, as well as for specific persons on the party’s candidate list. The Swiss can cast multiple votes, often one for each available seat in their constituency, allowing them to vote for several candidates and parties.

Switzerland also has a Council of States. All the Cantons have seats, for which there are also elections. Most have two, and a few smaller Cantons have one. Decisions require a majority on the national level in the National Council as well as among the Cantons in the Council of States. The Swiss citizens can overturn these decisions in referendums.

The seven-member Federal Council, elected by the National Council and Council of States together, handles the daily affairs of government. All the major political parties have seats in it. The Federal Council aims for consensus but may revert to voting if it is impossible to reach an agreement. Referendums ensure that this hardly happens.

Evaluation

Referendums have the following consequences:

  • The combination of representatives and referendums keeps citizens in control while unburdening them of daily government affairs. They don’t have to vote on every single matter, but can vote on an issue if they feel it is necessary.
  • Referendums are yes-or-no questions. Before crafting laws, the government consults with various interest groups and considers their concerns. That prevents laws from being voted out in referendums.
  • Whatever choices are made, they are the citizens’ choices. It can breed a sense of responsibility as citizens live with the consequences of their choices. If things go wrong, they can’t blame their politicians.
  • There are fewer political games, coalitions, and deals, as citizens can vote out laws they disagree with. It also promotes stability and cooperation. The largest political parties are in government and aim for consensus.

The distribution of power has the following consequences:

  • There is no single decision maker with a lot of power, such as the President in the United States. The Federal Council performs the daily task of governing, and the largest political parties all have seats in it.
  • Proportional representation in parliament enables multiple political parties that align with the preferences of voters. Small shifts in voter preferences have a minimal impact on the political landscape.
  • The Swiss National Council represents the federation, while the Council of States represents the Cantons. A decision requires a majority in both. This provision aims to safeguard the interests of the rural cantons with smaller populations.

Considerations

Switzerland doesn’t have a Constitutional Court or a House of Parliament to ensure that the Constitution and human rights are respected. Switzerland is bound by the treaties it signed. The Swiss political system is one of the most democratic, but it tends to be conservative. Women received the right to vote only in 1971, as only men could vote.

The Swiss political system is one of the most democratic in the world. And it has safeguards that provide political stability. As referendums are yes-or-no questions, laws require careful crafting and consideration of the concerns of citizens. There are several theories about democracy, but the Swiss political system has proven to work.

In the Swiss political system, authority is decentralised. Delegation of responsibilities is bottom-up. It works from lower levels to higher ones. Most states have a top-down delegation. It flows from the higher levels to the lower ones. That is preferable as decisions in one district can affect other districts as well.

It is also the case at the global level. Switzerland is sovereign. It has been a freeloading country as Swiss banks have been a haven for criminals, tax evaders and dictators from other countries. Had the people of those countries had a say in this matter, that would not have happened. In a global democracy, every world citizen has an equal say.

Latest revision: 11 July 2025

Featured image: The assembly of the canton Glarus. Democracy International (2014). [copyright info]

1. Switzerland’s Direct Democracy. http://direct-democracy.geschichte-schweiz.ch/ [link]

US Declaration Of Independence

What a social order needs to be

Humans imagine that they have rights and obligations and belong to social classes. This is what is meant with social order. There has been a variety of rights and obligations and social classes throughout history.1 Societies usually have a ruling class who invents the social order and benefits the most from it. A social order needs some kind justification to convince everyone to accept the rules that come with it. That is where religion comes in. You can compare the Code of Hammurabi, a Babylonian law from 1750 BC, with the United States Declaration of Independence from 1776 AD.

The Code of Hammurabi declares that the Babylonian social order is based on universal and eternal principles of justice dictated by the gods. It divides people into three classes, nobility, ordinary people and slaves. The code then sets out all kinds of laws and punishments for transgressions. The United States Declaration of Independence begins with the following words:

“We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.”

On closer inspection 3,500 years didn’t make a lot of difference. The eternal principles are replaced by self-evident truths but the order still needed divine support. There is no mentioning of classes. All men are created equal. But the devil is in the detail. Women and slaves did not have these unalienable rights when the constitution was written. Only nobility was done away with as businesspeople were the new ruling class. In the 200 years that followed slavery was abolished and women received equal rights before the law, but businesspeople are still the ruling class.

Saying that people are equal and have equal rights is problematic. People are not equal in their abilities as well as their opportunities. For example, we can imagine the right to live but we all die. Some people die young while others live very long. Many people are poor and have no access to good education. Some are rich and can go to the best universities. Still, we imagine that people have equal rights, just like the Babylonians imagined that people are divided into classes.

Social orders are the result of history, economics, and politics. Ideas are at the basis of them. Equality is a revolutionary and modern idea that has gained ground during the last centuries. It has affected political orders on every corner of the globe. Even the worst dictators now say in public that all people are equal.

A social order is also a collective imagination. A social order doesn’t exist in reality as such, but only in the minds of people. If people agree on a social order, whether it is a division into classes or the notion that everyone is created equal, it can be stable. Social orders bring peace and stability and that is the most compelling reason to have them. If people agree on a social order they can cooperate more easily as the order settles many matters that would have to be negotiated otherwise. A reason why certain social orders prevail over others is because they create more powerful societies.

Featured image: United States Declaration of Indepence

1. Sapiens: A Brief History Of Humankind. Yuval Noah Harari (2014). Harvil Secker.

The state of human nature

Social animals

In philosophy, the state of nature is about human nature and our natural way of life. We are social animals who operate in groups. What makes us unique is that we can collaborate flexibly on any scale. We employ language and shared imaginations like corporations, nation-states, money and religions. They help us collaborate. In this way, we created an imaginary world, civilisation. We can program ourselves to a significant degree and have different cultures. So, what is our natural way of living? That is hard to tell, but we can say a few things.

We help our family and friends but can also cooperate with strangers. It is not something we learn. It is natural human behaviour. Other social animals also do it, including chimpanzees, our closest relatives. Chimpanzees live in small troops of a few dozen individuals. Like us, they have close friendships, work together with reliable congeners and avoid unreliable ones. They have social rules, may cheat and probably can feel guilty. Like human males, chimpanzee males can be violent and kill each other.

Like human leaders, chimpanzee alpha males acquire their status by building coalitions and gaining support. Others show their submission to the alpha male. He strives to maintain social harmony within his troop, like a king maintaining peaceful relations between his subjects. He takes coveted pieces of food like the government takes taxes. Alpha males gain their position by building a coalition of supporters. Usually, a chimpanzee band has several alliances.

Coalition members in a chimpanzee band build and maintain their ties through intimate daily contact. They hug, touch, kiss, groom and take fleas from each other’s furs. Like humans, they do each other mutual favours. The coalitions in a chimpanzee band have good relations to protect themselves against outside enemies. Within the group, there are friendships and more distant, colder relationships.

There is a limit to the size of a group of chimpanzees. To function as a chimpanzee band, all members must know each other intimately. They must remember how others acted in the past to guess what they will do. Unlike humans, they have no language to share social information. Humans gossip to share information about others. Thus, we can learn someone is unreliable without being cheated upon ourselves. That allows us to collaborate in more sophisticated ways in larger groups.

Chimpanzee groups with more than a few dozen individuals are unstable. Its members do not know each other well enough to establish a hierarchy. Separate groups of chimpanzees seldom cooperate and compete for territory and food. There have been cases of prolonged warfare between groups of chimpanzees, including a few instances of genocide. Early humans lived similar lives but could live in larger and more stable bands of up to 150 individuals. The size of a group with which we can closely cooperate is one of our natural limits. We have overcome that limit with shared imaginations, which might be unnatural and a source of many troubles we have today.

Shared imaginations

We think in terms of cause and effect. We believe clouds cause rainfall. Our imagination also allows us to attribute causes to imaginary things. If the harvest fails, we can think the gods are angry. To deal with that, we can start a ritual like sacrificing a goat in the planting season to please the gods. Rituals also have another role. They bond a community and can outlive the beliefs that created them and lose their meaning. Many atheists still celebrate Christmas and think of eating turkey rather than the birth of Jesus.

Large groups face difficulties acting as a collective. Distinguishing between the contributions of individual members becomes challenging, so cheating and opportunistic behaviour are more common. Money, states, and belief systems like religions and ideologies help us deal with that. Money can keep track of our contributions and usages. States enforce cooperation. Religions and ideologies help us collaborate, for instance, by promising rewards in the afterlife or telling inspiring tales of worker solidarity.

For that, we share our imaginations. We imagine laws, money, property, corporations and nation-states. We think a euro banknote has value, even though it is just a piece of paper. And that is why we can use it for payment. If we believe the banknote is worthless, we cannot accept it or use it for payment. We imagine a law exists and, therefore, it works. Without these shared imaginations, our societies would stop functioning. Our cooperation also requires an inspiring story like a myth about the founders, a religion or an ideology.

Stories are the basis of our large-scale cooperation. We change how we cooperate and build societies by changing the stories. In 1789, the French population switched from the story of the divine right of kings to the sovereignty of the people. That changed the organisation of French society from feudal to modern, an advantage that Napoleon could subsequently exploit on the battlefield. Intelligent animals like monkeys can learn new behaviour but cannot change their organisation because they lack the stories to do so.

Norms and values

We invent rules and follow them. That is also in our nature. The rules differ per group, but all groups have rules. Norms are shared rules and expectations about the behaviour in a group or society. They maintain the social order, define cultural values, and shape social interactions. Norms can be laws, folkways, mores, taboos. Values are beliefs about what is important to us and society. Values can be honesty, respect, fairness and kindness. Norms and values thus reflect our rules.

Our rule-following behaviour is ingrained in our nature and comes with emotions like anger, shame and pride. If we have rules, we can spend less time negotiating about who does what and who gets what. It allows us to cooperate more efficiently and effectively. It also limits our freedom. We cling to our norms and values. Rules make societies stable. But they cause trouble if they have outlived their usefulness and block much-needed change.

Most of our communication is gossip. We need the group to survive. To survive, we must understand what is happening in our group. We talk about other people in our group, for instance, who is cheating or breaking agreements and what we should do about it. Groups enforce their rules by pressuring or ostracising those who do not conform to them. Being evicted from your group is particularly traumatic as it can lead to death.

Our inclination to attach value to mental models and theories promotes social stability. It also makes societies conservative regarding ideas and rules. Rules and institutions emerged to meet a specific challenge and become a burden once they have outlived their usefulness. Social change is often not a process of small steps but of long periods of standstill alternated with sudden dramatic changes.

Violence is often crucial for change. The fear of violent death can motivate us to do things we would not do out of self-interest alone. Those who benefit from the current arrangement hold off changes, so violence or the threat of violence can end the stalemate. That happened in the French Revolution. The human desire for recognition means politics is seldom about mere self-interest. We also judge leaders and the rules in society with our norms and values.

The struggle for recognition

Societies require individual members to play particular roles. Each role has a status and norms based on the values and beliefs of the culture of that society. Socialisation is learning your role in society and the norms and values that come with it. Groups of humans, including societies, have social hierarchies with statuses attached to the roles people play. In organised societies, status differences are more pronounced than in small groups. That is called stratification.

An individual or a group can recognise another person’s or group’s status, including this person’s or group’s beliefs and customs. The struggle for recognition differs from the struggle for material goods. All parties can gain from an economic transaction. You can exchange your fish for bread if you want bread more if someone else has bread and desires fish. But humans imagine social hierarchies. The recognition of one person, group or nation thus comes at the expense of others.

We aspire to social status, and some compete for leadership. Chimpanzee males compete for the status of the alpha male but also cooperate to defeat an enemy. We not only desire recognition for ourselves. We also seek respect for our beliefs and the groups we belong to. Much of our struggle concerns respect for groups such as women, ethnic minorities and homosexuals. There is an economic aspect, such as equal pay for women, but it is primarily about recognition. Pay is also a token of respect.

You cannot enforce recognition. Others must feel you deserve it. Leadership comes from a group acknowledging that a specific person has exceptional courage or wisdom or is impartial in conflicts and a desire from a community to have a leader. Once a society develops, we transfer our recognition to political institutions like parliaments and courts rather than individual leaders. In both cases, the political order requires legitimacy to make people accept the order and adhere to the rules.

Changing our environment

We change our environment. So, if we have a natural environment, we can make it unnatural. The first humans lived as hunter-gatherers in small groups of a few dozen individuals. Everyone in the group knew each other. If that is our natural way of living, city life would be unnatural. Our mental makeup emerged from evolution, so living in large cities could produce psychological problems like stress and alienation. The biblical vision of the state of nature is Eden, where people lived in harmony with nature.

But what does that mean? In the last 400,000 years, humans have become the top predators. That had enormous consequences for what we can eat and do. And it had psychological and social effects. Humans did not evolve but suddenly rose to their new position. Many historical calamities and things about how humans behave towards others and the environment, from the deadly wars to how people treat the ecosystem around them, result from this fast change that our evolution could not match.

Humans like Neanderthals, and later the modern humans, Homo Sapiens, began using fire. It gave them light, warmth, and an effective weapon against dangerous animals like lions and bears. That changed the balance of power between the animal species. The humans came out on top. Humans also used fire to change their environment. They started burning down forests and collected dead animals cooked in the fire to eat them. And cooking allowed them to eat more sorts of food.

The Agricultural Revolution was another dramatic change in human lifestyle. To feed more people, humans began to grow crops and herd animals. With agriculture, more people could survive, but it created new problems. Hunter-gatherers could move on in the case of conflict, but farmers had to protect their land and cattle against thieves and invaders. And so there were more intense conflicts, and people began to organise themselves for larger-scale wars in tribes and states.

Latest revision: 23 December 2023

Featured image: cover of The Origins of Political Order

From: The Origins of Political Order: From Prehuman Times to the French Revolution of Francis Fukuyama.